Fair and accurate elections, statistically speaking
February 18, 2011 by Monica Friedlander, ScienceMatters@Berkeley
Electoral College map of the 2000 election, one of the most disputed in U.S. history. A uniquely American institution, the Electoral College consists of popularly elected representatives apportioned to each state according to the size of states' congressional delegation. It's the electors who formally elect the President of the United States. According to Berkeley statistician Elchanan Mossel, this system of electing the president is significantly more likely to result in an erroneous election outcome compared to the simple majority voting system..
The political controversy surrounding the Electoral College -- the institution whereby we elect the president of the United States -- is as old as the republic. In spite of recent contentious elections that raised the controversy to new heights, the debate is unlikely to reach a resolution given the compelling political considerations on both sides. But rarely if ever does the public debate on this subject take into account objective, mathematical considerations.
UC Berkeleys Elchanan Mossel, an associate professor in the departments of Statistics and Computer Science and an expert in probability theory, believes there is an important contribution statisticians can make to the debate. He is not alone. Statisticians have subjected voting-related issues to complex mathematical calculations at least since the 18th century, when Marquis de Condorcet, a French philosopher and mathematician began using probability theory in the context of voting.
Mossels analyses pit the Electoral College system against the simple majority-voting system in an attempt to test the strength of our electoral system in one key aspect: how prone to error is it and, in turn, what are the odds that the outcome of an election will actually be flipped by such random error?
There are many ways of voting, Mossel says. You can vote by majority vote, Electoral College, weighed voting, even dictatorship. The statistical question is, Which voting method is most robust to errors?
Mossels assumption is that any voting model is intrinsically subject to a finite error, meaning that the vote cast by a small number of voters in each election will end up being recorded differently from what those voters intended. This may be due to human error, hanging chads, or voting machines that flip some vote randomly. In a landslide election such unfortunate occurrences make no statistical difference. But in a close election the likes of which weve often had in recent election cycles such errors may wreck havoc with the election, with and sometimes even without our knowledge.
Statistically, the most robust system in the world is a dictatorship, Mossel says, not without a measure of amusement. Under such a system, the results never depend on how people vote.
But since most of us would prefer an alternative to dictatorship in spite of the systems robustness, the question then becomes which voting system in a democracy is most likely to produce accurate results. To that end Mossel compares all of the possible voting systems, including the two voting methods we are most familiar with simple majority-vote and the Electoral College system, both of which offer voters two alternatives to pick from.
Before running his analysis, Mossel first sets out to tests the model to ensure it satisfies some basic statistical requirements for fair elections. One such mathematical criterion corresponds to the notion of fairness among all the alternatives meaning that the model must ensure that all alternatives (i.e., candidates) receive the same treatment.
Lets say some people under one model voted for Candidate A and some people voted for Candidate B and the winner was Candidate A under a given system. Now we replace the people who voted for B with those who voted for A and vice versa and we want the result to flip, too. Its a natural notion of fairness that is also common in economics. The results should not depend on the names of the candidates.
Another way to factor in democracy is transitivity, which assumes that every two people play the same role mathematically and no one person has a greater chance of changing the outcome than anyone else. One example of transitivity, Mossel says, is to imagine people seated in a circle. Then he rotates everyone (or every persons opinion) one seat to the left. We want the voting function to be transitive, meaning that the result is the same if we rotate people.
Once criteria for democracy are factored in, the problem of finding the most robust voting system becomes a problem of mathematical analysis. The reasoning is not simple. Mathematicians do not rely on standard Euclidian geometry to solve social problems of such complexity, which makes voting analysis difficult to explain on national television. Instead they apply whats known as Gaussian geometry, or the geometry of spheres in very high-dimensions. This methodology is employed when studying aggregate behavior of large numbers of people.
In the context of robustness of voting, a key role is played by geometric Isoperimetric theorems, which study the relationships between volumes and surface areas. (Isoperirimetric means having the same perimeter.) To make his point, Mossel reduces the highly-complex problem to a very simple and amusing hypothetical question.
We have the cold war all over again, he smiles. The U.S. and Russia decide to partition the world exactly in half, 50-50 each. The two states must have the exact same area, including the oceans. And they try to minimize the border between the two states so they need the fewest number of border guards.
The optimal solution to this problem is obvious: split the world along the line of the equator.
The mathematics we developed for the robustness problem in some sense corresponds to the partitioning of very high-dimensional spheres.
After running his analysis, Mossel says, the answer is unequivocal. It also serves a mathematical mortal blow to the American system of electing a president.
Applying isoperimetric theory tells us majority voting method is optimal. It is the most robust function.
The difference between this common voting method and the Electoral College system is in fact stunning. The first person to determine a way to calculate the error for these voting methods was statistician W. F. Sheppard back in 1899. He determined that majority voting takes a noise rate of x to an error thats approximately the square root of x. So under majority vote, if the voting machine flips votes with a probability of 1 in 10,000, the chance that the result of the election will be flipped is roughly the square root of that probability, or 1 in 100.
With Electoral College voting, in essence youre doing majority twice, Mossel says. First you do majority in each state and then you do the majority of the majority, so you take the square root of the square root. So you take square root of 1/10,000 once and get 1/100, and then you take square root again and get 1/10.
The Electoral College appears to fail miserably based on the robustness to error criteria.
We dont have the best system, Mossel says.
Yet even in the face of his own analysis he remains highly philosophical about how meaningful this apparently whopping difference between the two systems really is. Philosophically it may not be morally relevant, he says. If the election is so close anyway and people dont have a strong preference, maybe it doesnt really matter?
But to the extent that the democratic ideal is for the outcome to reflect the intent of the voter as much as humanly possible, then the difference in Mossels robustness-to-error test could give political pundits food for thought.
Voting theory is only one example of Mossels vast work applying probability theory to a wide range of both scientific and social problems. These range from theoretical computer science and evolutionary biology to game theory and social choice the latter of which includes topics such as voting or economic problems.
ScienceMatters@Berkeley is published online by the College of Letters and Science at the University of California, Berkeley. The mission of ScienceMatters@Berkeley is to showcase the exciting scientific research underway in the College of Letters and Science.
More information: Mossels statistical analyses can be found in the following papers: "Maximally Stable Gaussian Partitions with Discrete Applications," written in collaboration with Marcus Isaksson, and "Noise stability of functions with low influences: invariance and optimality," written with Ryan ODonnell and Krzysztof Oleszkiewicz.
Provided by University of California, Berkeley
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Feb 18, 2011
Rank: 3.9 / 5 (7)
Feb 18, 2011
Rank: 2 / 5 (4)
The Electors are not bound, in any legal, moral or ethical sense, to vote as their State has voted. The Electors retain the Right to Choose the President, as they see fit.
Good protection against a dangerous Populist gaining the White House.
These United States' are not a Democracy. They are fifty sovereign States, joined in a Republic, choosing who the next President of their Federation is going to be.
Feb 18, 2011
Rank: 4.5 / 5 (2)
Feb 18, 2011
Rank: 3.2 / 5 (5)
It's called states rights and the desire for a weak president.
Feb 18, 2011
Rank: 5 / 5 (1)
You seem to be missing a huge part of history. Out of 535 electoral votes, there are less than 10 who actually have a choice in the matter. Almost all states have laws that require their electoral college to vote according to the popular vote of that state.
Feb 18, 2011
Rank: 5 / 5 (7)
Every vote, everywhere, would be politically relevant and equal in presidential elections. Elections wouldn't be about winning states. No more distorting and divisive red and blue state maps. Every vote, everywhere would be counted for and directly assist the candidate for whom it was cast. Candidates would need to care about voters across the nation, not just undecided voters in a handful of swing states.
Feb 18, 2011
Rank: 5 / 5 (1)
The bill has passed 31 state legislative chambers, in 21 small, medium-small, medium, and large states, including one house in AR, CT, DE, DC, ME, MI, NV, NM, NY, NC, and OR, and both houses in CA, CO, HI, IL, NJ, MD, MA ,RI, VT, and WA . The bill has been enacted by DC, HI, IL, NJ, MD, MA, and WA. These 7 states possess 74 electoral votes — 27% of the 270 necessary to bring the law into effect.
Feb 18, 2011
Rank: 5 / 5 (1)
Feb 18, 2011
Rank: not rated yet
The Founding Fathers only said in the U.S. Constitution about presidential elections (only after debating among 30 ballots for choosing a method): "Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a Number of Electors . . ."
The U.S. Supreme Court has repeatedly characterized the authority of the state legislatures over the manner of awarding their electoral votes as "plenary" and "exclusive."
Feb 18, 2011
Rank: 2.3 / 5 (10)
Feb 18, 2011
Rank: 4.5 / 5 (2)
Feb 18, 2011
Rank: 4.9 / 5 (10)
Feb 18, 2011
Rank: 5 / 5 (6)
The political reality is that the 11 largest states rarely agree on any political question. In terms of recent presidential elections, the 11 largest states include five "red states (Texas, Florida, Ohio, North Carolina, and Georgia) and six "blue" states (California, New York, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Michigan, and New Jersey). The fact is that the big states are just about as closely divided as the rest of the country.
Feb 19, 2011
Rank: 2 / 5 (5)
The study is based on the assumption that "correct" can only be that the election result corresponds to the majority of the votes cast. As such, the entire study is a tautology, discovering what it falsely assumed to begin with.
The goal of the American system is NOT to elect the President simply by majority but rather to temper that States as well.
The choice of simple majority vs electoral college system was subject to intense debate by the founders not for "statistical accuracy" concerns but explicitly for political considerations of preserving the rights of individual States AGAINST the tyranny of the few highly populous States.
The United States is made up of a number of States and as the Electoral map shows, most of those do NOT equate to the concentrated high saturation voting of a few large States.
The Electoral system is best for what it was designed and insures the unique style of American democracy protecting minority rights.
Feb 19, 2011
Rank: 3.5 / 5 (4)
One of the biggest problems with modern america is the complete lack of comprehension skills of some of our citizens. The article goes out of its way several times to state that it is not commenting on the validity of our system or the other reasons for it. The purpose of this study was SOLELY to determine the likelyhood of a miscounted vote to swing the election in a way opposite of what it should be based on the rules of the system. In our set up, the likelyhood of that to happen is 10 times higher than standard vote counts. It is NOT providing commentary on our election method if every vote was counted exactly correct.
Feb 19, 2011
Rank: 3.7 / 5 (3)
I think you miss the point. So what if all of the voters in NY, CA, and OH all vote one way and manage to outweigh all of the other voters? That would mean that more than 50% of the voting population resides in those 3 states. Are you saying that their votes shouldn't all matter just because they all happened to vote a certain way AND they make up more than 50% of the population? Because that is what the electoral college - by your assertion - is supposed to do. Shouldn't more than 50% decide a popular vote no matter what the distribution? And anyway, INDIVIDUAL people don't ever all vote one way just because they live in the same state so your scenario is preposterous. Different things are important to different people. Not everyone has access to the same information and not everyone uses the same logic to make a decision.
The electoral college discounts votes from small pockets of minorities. Moving away from the electoral college would guarantee that ALL votes mattere
Feb 19, 2011
Rank: 3 / 5 (2)
Feb 19, 2011
Rank: 2 / 5 (5)
That must be because you had a US public school education and never studied US history.
Feb 19, 2011
Rank: 4 / 5 (1)
But the Electoral College acts to make smaller states count for more. If the President never had to care about Iowa or Vermont, you would soon have some very unhappy people. Possibly even talk of revolution.
For a more in depth look at this, Discover Magazine put out a great article "Math Against Tyranny".
discovermagazine.com/2004/sep/math-against-tyranny
Since reading this article I feel much better about the Electoral College and its role in keeping this Federal system we have balanced.....
Feb 19, 2011
Rank: not rated yet
Combined with an instant run-off/Single Transferable Vote system, a single date for the primaries, an end to the stupid caucus system in some states, and voter ID verification (no one wants to talk about it, but voter fraud is rampant, and all the pollsters can do is have you swear under penalty of perjury that you're who you say you are and haven't voted already), it'd be a much better system than the current one.
Feb 19, 2011
Rank: not rated yet
An unregulated public vote can lead to a tyranny of the majority. The erection of electoral colleges and apportioned representation prevents abuses due to popularity of the abuse method.
Feb 20, 2011
Rank: not rated yet
Side question: does this assume a normal distribution for the vote spread across elections? Do previous elections correspond to this distribution? Does it handle varying numbers of candidates in the distribution?
Feb 20, 2011
Rank: not rated yet
The possibility of recounts should not even be a consideration in debating the merits of a national popular vote. No one has ever suggested that the possibility of a recount constitutes a valid reason why state governors or U.S. Senators, for example, should not be elected by a popular vote.
The question of recounts comes to mind in connection with presidential elections only because the current system so frequently creates artificial crises and unnecessary disputes.
A nationwide recount would not happen. We do and would vote state by state. Each state manages its own election and recount. The state-by-state winner-take-all system is not a firewall, but instead causes unnecessary fires. The larger the number of voters in an election, the smaller the chance of close election results.
Feb 20, 2011
Rank: not rated yet
Based on a recent study of 7,645 statewide elections in the 26-year period from 1980 through 2006 by FairVote:
*The average change in the margin of victory as a result of a statewide recount was a mere 274 votes.
*The original outcome remained unchanged in over 90% of the recounts.
*The probability of a recount is 1 in 332 elections (23 recounts in 7,645 elections), or once in 1,328 years.
Feb 21, 2011
Rank: not rated yet
Here is an extreme example of what's wrong with the electoral college. What if enough of the most populous states had 100% of the votes for one candidate to get slightly less than half the electoral votes while the rest of the states all gave the win to the other candidate by one vote. This would give the LOSER around 75% of the popular vote.
Feb 21, 2011
Rank: 5 / 5 (1)
The USA was intended as a federal system of united states.
The House of Representatives were to be the peoples' representative to the federal govt. Senators were originally elected by state legislators.
The president was supposed to have a more limited role and to support the balance of power idea, the president would be elected by state electors not popular vote.
Smaller states don't want to be controlled by cities and states with the highest population.
Feb 21, 2011
Rank: not rated yet